Research Projects

So… what exactly do you do with sociolinguistics?

How does the way we speak reveal information about who we are and where we come from? Why do we sometimes speak a little differently based on who we’re talking to? To answer these questions and so many more, we turn to sociolinguistics, a subdiscipline of linguistics that explores the intersection of language and culture. Sociolinguistics helps us understand how language reflects and shapes social identities, cultural norms, and language ideologies.

In my research, I focus on four main areas:

Language Attitudes

Language attitudes are evaluative reactions to the way people speak or certain linguistic features that different groups use. Understanding how people feel about the way others use language is an important aspect of sociolinguistics because it helps us better understand how certain language features gain various social meanings and become associated with specific social groups and contexts.

My work aimed to explore how people feel about voseo, a second-person singular Spanish pronoun used to informally address someone as “you,” on social media platforms. To do this, I used a mixed-methods approach, combining (1) sentiment analysis (to determine if commenters show positive, neutral, or negative sentiment towards voseo), (2) ordinal and multiple logistic regression models (to understand how different factors influence sentiment towards voseo), (3) thematic analysis (to identify recurring themes and attitudes), and (4) an analysis of epistemic stance-taking (to examine how commenters position themselves in terms of knowledge about voseo), to gain an complete understanding of how voseo is evaluated from a global, regional, and individual level.

Findings illustrated that most commenters exhibited negative sentiment towards voseo. However, sentiments varied depending on each individual’s regional and experiential background. This research sheds light on the complex and dynamic nature of language attitudes towards voseo and reveals how deeply ingrained social and cultural biases can influence our perceptions of arbitrary language features. By studying these attitudes, we can better recognize broader social dynamics at play and work towards a more inclusive, scientifically-informed understanding of linguistic diversity.

Abstract

Digital Metacommunication: Exploring Language Attitudes towards Voseo across Social Media Platforms

Background. Language attitudes encompass evaluative reactions to language, reflecting internalized beliefs about linguistic elements and the individuals who use them (Dragojevic et al., 2020). These attitudes shape how language is implemented, creating variation that, “constitutes an indexical system that embeds ideology in language and that is in turn part and parcel of the construction of ideology” (Eckert, 2008: 454). As linguistic expression has evolved alongside technological innovation, so has language attitudinal research expanded to incorporate the digital linguistic landscape of social media. This research embarks on a pioneering exploration of perceptions and sentiments of the second-person singular pronoun, voseo, as expressed in the comments of social media platforms TikTok, Instagram, and YouTube.

Method. Building upon the limited research that has utilized social media for attitudinal data collection (Cutler, 2016; 2019; Durham, 2022), all collected data was manually assembled into a corpus of 2,140 comments left by users from 20 Spanish-speaking countries. This study used a mixed-methods approach, combining sentiment analysis, multivariate and ordinal logistic regression models, and qualitative analysis to fully gauge how attitudes are shaped by variables indicated in prior research, including a commenter’s country of origin and voseo’s associations with informality, solidarity, regional identity, and social stigma (Carricaburo, 2015; Raymond, 2016).

Results. The quantitative analysis depicts polarized sentiments regarding voseo, indicating strong opinions among social media users. These evaluations are shaped by additional variables identified in the qualitative analysis, such as prescriptivist beliefs, dialectal contact, linguistic heritage, aesthetics, associations with homosexuality, and discriminatory, ethnocentric attitudes. The findings reveal a complex interplay between language, identity, and digital communication, underscoring the significant role of digital platforms in constructing and disseminating linguistic ideologies.

Conclusion. This research enhances our understanding of language attitudes expressed in a digital context by providing a valuable snapshot into the expanding constellation of indexical meanings associated with voseo.

Performative Language

Have you ever wondered how the way that an artist sings or presents themselves influences your perception of their identity? In the digital age, music is much more than just what you hear; it’s a complex blend of auditory cues, visual imagery, and cultural context. This study seeks to understand how linguistic styles (the way an artist sings and the language they use) impact our perceptions of their racial and cultural identity and how visual cues (how an artist looks) shape our understanding and feelings about their music.

Stemming from an in-depth analysis of the music career of Justin Bieber, my work has investigated the purposeful stylization of performers’ speech, mannerisms, and appearance that have been implemented to index a certain identity (such as a Black identity, in the case of Justin Bieber), whether or not they have the social license to claim membership within that identity. By exploring how American audiences perceive these identities, this study hopes to shed light on broader issues such as cultural appropriation and authenticity in the music industry.

Abstract

Adopting Black Speech in Popular Music: A Sociolinguistic Analysis of Justin Bieber’s Invented Identities

Background. Although all language could be considered to be ‘performative’ in the sense that every individual both consciously and unconsciously uses language to index their own identities (Eckert 2008, 2012; Goffman 1981), the study of performative linguistics seeks to understand the behavior and motivations behind all instances of the ‘high performance’ of language (Coupland 2007) where certain performers purposely stylize their speech, mannerisms, and appearance in order index a certain identity whether or not they have the social license to claim membership within said identity (Bell and Gibson 2011). Building upon Alim’s (2002) study of Hip Hop artists Eve and Juvenile and Eberhardt and Freeman’s (2015) analysis of Iggy Azalea, this linguistic case study on Justin Bieber’s use of Black speech features both on and off stage adds quantitative evidence to the limited but growing pool of sociolinguistic data that measures the extent to which White American artists appropriate Black speech features to accumulate social and commercial success.

Method. In this study, I transcribed Justin Bieber’s second and most recently released album (My World 2.0 (2010) and Justice (The Complete Edition) (2021)) as well as five 10-30 minute interviews and live streams that each feature various social contexts. Throughout the duration of this study, I took into account every instance in which Justin Bieber utilizes Black phonological, morphosyntactic, and lexical features. Following Alim’s (2002) and Eberhardt and Freeman’s (2015) analytical model, the principal conclusions of this study are derived from a statistical analysis of Bieber’s rate of copula absence in comparison to previous copula data gathered from five other Black and White Hip Hop artists (Eminem, Iggy Azalea, Eve, Juvenile, Trina).

Results. One crucial factor that contributed to Bieber’s adoption of Black speech features emerged from the data. Justin Bieber was more likely to omit the copula in songs in which he features (feat.) a Black artist, which indicates a regular practice of dialectal accommodation (Nycz 2019). To my knowledge, no other sociolinguistic study of Hip Hop artists has expressly analyzed the unique sociolinguistic environment of a musical collaboration with another artist. This study establishes that ‘feat.’ merits a fixed, noteworthy space to socially and linguistically interact with another speaker.

The results demonstrate that Justin Bieber does not utilize Black speech features consistently, but instead chooses to sparsely and haphazardly employ various Black features. This behavior suggests a lyrical routine of code-crossing, defined by Rampton (2017) as a code alternation performed by speakers who lack social provision to speak an ethnically-marked dialect. Given Justin Bieber’s fundamental lack of understanding and familiarity with African American English in conjunction with his choice to omit the copula at a surprisingly higher rate than other White artists such as rapper Eminem (Eberhardt and Freeman 2015), the data reveals a fickle, inconsistent linguistic performance wrought by Bieber in the hopes of constructing a more “street-conscious”, legitimate Hip Hop persona.Conclusion. The summary of Justin Bieber’s attitudes and behaviors only adds to the historical consistency of White artists appropriating and commodifying Black identity for their own personal benefit. Although the Global Hip Hop Nation is inclusive of all creators from widely disparate racial and linguistic backgrounds, Justin Bieber’s demonstrative patterns of linguistic mimicry and racially insensitive behavior connotes an attitude of entitlement and a complete disregard of how he, as a White artist, is not subject to the oppression of systemic racism in the U.S. Yet despite many blatant forms of racial appropriation, Bieber continues to remain one of the most successful artists in the world whose fame is cushioned on the innumerous, unacknowledged privileges that his whiteness affords him.

Media’s Role in Language Variation and Change

Is media changing the way that we speak? In the digital age, where the average American spends about 8 hours per day with digital media (Guttman, 2023), media’s role in the processes of language variation (how language changes) remains largely unknown and non-empirically established. A new theoretical model is needed that considers (1) the amount of media exposure and (2) the depth of user engagement with media content. For a proposed study, I hope to empirically evaluate the role of new media in individual-level dialectal change, integrating theories from media effects research, behavioral psychology, and sociolinguistics. The findings of this study are expected to significantly advance sociolinguistic models of dialect change in an increasingly digitalizing world, integrating media exposure and engagement as components of linguistic variation to better understand why and how media contributes to dialectal acquisition and change.

Abstract

Echoes of Digital Voices: The Role of Media Engagement on Intraspeaker Dialectal Variation and Change

Despite the rapid increase of media usage in the United States, where individuals average eight hours per day consuming media (Guttmann, 2023), the role of digital media in language variation remains ambiguous and largely unexplored (Sayers, 2014; Trudgill, 2014; Nycz, 2019; Starr, 2019). This project aims to empirically evaluate the impact of media engagement on individual-level dialectal change among native New York City English speakers exposed to Canadian English through various digital platforms. Building on the media debate in the Journal of Sociolinguistics (18/2), this study integrates theories from media effects research (Bimber et al., 2012; Gunter, 2014), behavioral psychology (Gerbner et al., 1980; 2002), and sociolinguistics to analyze how both exposure and engagement contribute to the modern dynamics of intraspeaker dialectal variation and change in an increasingly digitalizing world.

Previous literature has noted a gap in understanding how indirect, media-based linguistic input affects dialectal change at both community and individual levels (Stuart-Smith et al., 2013; Sayers, 2014). While traditional research emphasizes face-to-face interaction as essential for dialectal change (Trudgill, 1986; Chambers, 1992; Labov, 2007), recent findings suggest that media also plays a role in improving cross-dialectal awareness of second dialect features (Walker, 2018; Lincoln & Starr, forthcoming) and accelerating dialectal changes (Stuart-Smith et al., 2013; Starr, 2019). This study proposes a new theoretical model that incorporates both the quantity of media exposure and the depth of user engagement as key factors that may influence individual-level dialectal change. Furthermore, drawing on Goldinger’s (1998) Exemplar Theory, this work seeks to contribute to broader theoretical understandings of how media engagement not only embeds new linguistic exemplars into memory, but also fosters parasocial relationships with content creators. Through empirical investigation, this study aims to clarify the extent to which media engagement may or may not amplify the salience and influence of these exemplars on dialectal variation (Gunter, 2014).

The project will involve a mixed-methods approach, collecting data from a diverse group of 30-60 native New Yorkers. Participants will be stratified into three groups based on their exposure to Canadian content creator Kurtis Conner: New Viewers (less than 1 year), Regular Viewers (1-3 years), and Long-Term Viewers (over 3 years). The study will monitor changes in stable Canadian English features, such as the CAUGHT-COT merger and Canadian Raising (Newman, 2014; Nycz, 2016; Denis et al., 2023), which are generally absent in NYC English. New Viewers will engage with media content for 90 days and will log all interactions on the following platforms: TikTok, Instagram, and YouTube. To track any dialectal shifts, sociolinguistic interviews will be conducted at the beginning, middle, and end of the data collection period, and will be complemented by surveys assessing participants’ social networks, language attitudes towards both dialects, and feelings of interpersonal attachment to the Canadian content creator. Analytical methods will include regression models to identify the effects of media engagement on dialectal changes, alongside qualitative analyses of epistemic stance-taking to better understand how media affects personal constructions of place-identity and authenticity (Heritage, 2012a; 2012b; Bucholz & Hall, 2005; De Jesus et al., 2024).

The findings of this study are expected to significantly advance sociolinguistic models of dialect change by integrating media exposure and engagement as factors in linguistic variation.

Indexing Bilingual Identity in Media

From my own personal experience and conversations with my bilingual friends, I’ve noticed that when we say words or names borrowed from another language, we often try to pronounce them the way they should be pronounced in the original language. For example, when I’m speaking Spanish, I tend to pronounce words like Starbucks, Internet, Washington D.C., and my own name using American English pronunciations. In more linguistic terms, in these circumstances, I am performing lexically-specific phonology switches by retaining the L2 phonology during the pronunciation of a loanword within a larger, English-phonology utterance.

In this study, I draw data from my childhood favorite TV show Dora the Explorer to explore when and under what circumstances a bilingual speaker chooses to alter or retain Spanish phonology within an English sentence when pronouncing Spanish-origin loanwords.

Abstract

Loanwords are often the sites of phonological exceptionality (Baird, Rohena-Madrazo, and Cating 2018; Calabrese and Wetzels 2009). When a language borrows a word from another to fill a lexical gap, oftentimes that language introduces a phonological exception into the language by necessity. Bilingual speakers are typically assumed to be the main agents of borrowing (Lev-Ari, Giacomo, and Peperkamp 2014), and as such, bilingual speakers may choose to either apply adaptations to the loanword in order to adjust it to the phonological system of L1 or maintain the foreign sounds or sound sequences from the L2 within the loanword. In this study, I utilize the term lexically specific phonology switch (LSPS) coined by Baird, Rohena-Madrazo, and Cating (2018) to describe when a bilingual speaker decides to retain the L2 phonology during the pronunciation of a loanword within a larger, English-phonology utterance, and I build upon their research on Spanish-English bilingual speech in the United States. By conducting a case study on Dora, the protagonist of Nickelodeon’s children’s TV show Dora the Explorer, in this paper I examine loanword frequency and the social context in which Dora finds herself to contribute to the understanding of when and under what circumstances a bilingual speaker chooses to alter or retain the foreign segments of Spanish-origin loanwords.

In this study, I took into account (1) each instance of LSPS within the TV show, (2) whether that word is pronounced using Spanish or English phonology, (3) the L1 of the person she is addressing, and (4) whether that character is bilingual.

Two crucial factors that contributed to LSPS emerged from the data. Dora most often implements her Spanish phonological system when the word is not frequently spoken in Standard American English and in instances when she is speaking to a monolingual or bilingual Spanish speaker. Conversely, she consistently adapts the loanword to her English phonological system when the word is frequently spoken in Standard American English and when she is speaking with a monolingual English speaker.

From a sociolinguistic standpoint, if a bilingual speaker pronounces a loanword in a manner that differs from the Standard American English variant, various indexes will consequently be assigned to the speaker by the listener (Eckert 2008, 2012; Meyerhoff 2011). These indexes associate the speaker to pre-existing perceptions of the foreign language and culture that they reference through alternate pronunciations of loanwords (Baird, Rohena-Madrazo, and Cating 2018). By implementing both phonologies depending on her social context, Dora indexes herself both as a Spanish speaker and an English speaker who claims equal membership in both the Spanish- and English-speaking communities.

By analyzing loanwords within Nickelodeon’s children’s TV show Dora the Explorer and by observing when Dora chooses to implement either her Spanish or English phonological system, the results indicate that Dora performs lexically specific phonology switches (LSPS) on Spanish-origin loanwords based on their (1) frequency of general use in English and (2) the social context in which she finds herself.